By Gisela Zifonun, Gereon Müller, Lutz Gunkel
This booklet is a suite of recent articles that concentrate on nominal inflection markers in numerous languages. The stories are thinking about the morphological inventories of markers, their syntactic distribution, and, importantly, the interplay among the 2. hence, the contributions shed new mild at the morphology/syntax interface, and at the function of morpho-syntactic positive aspects in mediating among the 2 elements. concerns that function prominently all through are inflection classification, case, gender, quantity, animacy, syncretism, iconicity, contract, the prestige of paradigms, the character of morpho-syntactic beneficial properties, and the constitution of nominal projections. Recurrent analytical instruments contain the ideas of pageant (optimality, specificity), underspecification, and economic system, in quite a few theoretical frameworks.
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Extra resources for Explorations In Nominal Inflection (Interface Explorations)
Antón-Mendéz & al. (2002). , human vs. non-human, which takes prominence over masculine vs. feminine, and languages express the latter distinction as dependent on the former one. 5. Consequences for the Syntactic Structure The four languages examined here show significant differences in their nominal morphology, providing further support for the view that gender and class marking do not go hand in hand. Moreover, it has been shown that features such as gender are not distributed uniformly. In certain cases there are inherent properties of the noun, in other cases they are assigned by rules to animate nouns.
In Spanish, adjectives agree with nouns in number and gender. The class markers of the nouns and these adjectives are similar in certain cases. (22) a. libr-o roj-o book red plum-a roj-a pen red b. libr-o-s roj-o-s books red plum-a-s roj-a-s pens red But agreement in class is not necessary, while agreement in gender always is. As shown in (23), the noun and the adjective can belong to different classes, although they belong to the same gender: la chica inteligente the girl intelligent el chico inteligente the boy intelligent (23) a.
Finally, in section 6 I turn to the syntactic evidence discussed in Bernstein and show how the correct generalization is one that makes reference to gender agreement. Section 7 concludes my discussion. 3. Class Features are Not Syntactically Active That class features are not relevant for LF is obvious (see also Alexiadou & Müller (2004), and Müller (this volume) for discussion). There can be no plausible way to argue that being a class 1 noun means anything at that level. That they are not relevant for syntax can be seen in the following set of data.