By Barry S. Rundquist, Thomas M. Carsey
Considering global warfare II, the U.S. executive has spent greater than $10 trillion on security. even supposing every person within the usa needs to pay taxes assisting protection contracts, ten states have bought seventy five percentage of all safeguard contracts and charges. In Congress and security Spending , Barry S. Rundquist and Thomas M. Carsey learn how the distribution of safety contracts is inspired by way of the interplay of kingdom and native economies with the association of Congress and the way prior nation illustration on safeguard committees has affected present committee illustration.
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Additional info for Congress and Defense Spending: The Distributive Politics of Military Procurement (Congressional Studies Series, V. 3)
Of course, Krehbiel’s information theory suggests the opposite hypothesis: that all committees will represent the distribution of preferences in their parent chamber. As generally presented, the committee version of distributive theory assumes that the resulting distribution of policy benefits will not be effective. Instead of policy expenditures being directed to places that are best able to use those funds to produce the desired public outcome or to places with the greatest relative need for such expenditures, the committee-based distributive theory predicts that funds will go disproportionately to places represented by MCs on the relevant congressional committees, regardless of their capacity or need.
Indeed, one reason pork barrel explanations are so attractive is that they are simple, parsimonious, and persuasive. They are also mostly wrong. (Mayer 1991: 210) While Mayer acknowledges that partisanship and ideology play a role in defense procurement policy, he argues that the nature of the procurement process itself precludes any effect of congressional politics on the actual distribution of military procurement expenditures: At the early stages in the acquisition cycle, then, responsibility is too fragmented and dispersed to permit political contamination.
1 and the analysis presented in chapter 5 reject out of hand the idea that military procurement spending is equally distributed across states without regard to state-specific causal factors. Thus, while the naive view of intra-policy universalism exists as an ideal type, it lacks empirical support and serves as nothing more than a theoretical straw man. A more sophisticated version of intrapolicy universalism suggests that within any single policy area states with an economic interest in receiving benefits will receive them.