By Stela Manova
This quantity advances our realizing of ways observe constitution by way of affix ordering is prepared within the languages of the realm. A critical factor in linguistic conception, affix ordering gets a lot cognizance among the learn group, although such a lot reports care for just one language. in contrast, the vast majority of the chapters during this quantity reflect on a couple of language and supply facts from typologically varied languages, a few of that are tested for the 1st time. Many chapters specialize in circumstances of affix ordering that problem linguistic thought with such phenomena as affix repetition and variable ordering, either one of that are proven to be neither infrequent nor regular merely of lesser-studied languages with volatile grammatical association, as formerly assumed. The publication additionally deals an specific dialogue at the non-existence of phonological affix ordering, with a spotlight on cellular affixation, and one at the emergence of affix ordering in baby language, the 1st of its sort within the literature. Repetitive operations, bad in lots of theories, are widespread in early baby language and appear to function trainings for morphological decomposition and affix stacking. hence, the amount additionally increases vital questions in regards to the basic structure of grammar and the character and unwanted effects of our theoretical assumptions.
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Extra info for Affix Ordering Across Languages and Frameworks
Recursive Passivization (52) illustrates three readings of the rate adverbial terk ‘quickly’ where it modifies three subevents of the whole complex event. 1), it is Alim’s jumping that happens quickly; on this reading, Kerim making him jump and Marat giving an order are underspecified as to how quickly they occur. 2), the sentence indicates that it did not take much time for Kerim to make Alim jump, and the adverbial takes scope of the causing subevent in which Kerim is a causer. 3) is Marat’s delivering an order: here the scope of the adverbial includes the most external causing subevent.
4 Examples in (5) and (6) suggest that the second application of the passive does not result in passivization—not surprisingly, given that (4) is passive already. What is surprising is that (6) contains one more argument (even if implicit) as compared to (5), the causer who makes the agent tear a shirt. Introducing arguments is not what we expect from the passive morphology. Argument-introducing capacity of the passive morpheme does not only manifest itself in passive configurations like (6). The same happens if the passive is combined with intransitives, either unaccusatives or unergatives, as illustrated in (7) and (8).
17) I had a tea. (18) Give me some blanket. 25 26 Syntactic and Semantic Ordering Mass nouns like tea can receive “an individuated construal when paired with the indefinite article, and a count noun receives a mass construal when paired with unstressed some” (Michaelis 2006), as in (17) and (18). If domains from which count and mass nouns take their denotations are structured in different ways, the latter being nonatomic (Link 1983, and much subsequent literature), in (17) and (18) domains of tea and blanket must be restructured before combining with determiners.